Dedicated to the military history and civilization of the Eastern Roman Empire (330 to 1453)

"Time in its irresistible and ceaseless flow carries along on its flood all created things and drowns them in the depths of obscurity."

- - - - Princess Anna Comnena (1083–1153) - Byzantine historian

Monday, August 17, 2015

Roman Fortress of Suq al-Awty - The Limes Tripolitanus

Thanks to Padfield.com

The Limes Tripolitanus
Tripolitana, the "Land of Three Cities"

The Limes Tripolitanus was a frontier zone of defence of the Roman Empire, built in the south of what is now Tunisia and the northwest of Libya. It was primarily intended as a protection for the tripolitanian cities of Leptis MagnaSabratha and Oea in Roman Libya.

The Limes Tripolitanus was built after Augustus. It was related mainly to the Garamantes menace. Septimius Flaccus in 50 AD did a military expedition that reached the actual Fezzan and further south.

The Romans did not conquer the Garamantes so much as they seduced them with the benefits of trade and discouraged them with the threat of war. The last Garamantes foray to the coast was in AD 69, when they joined with the people of Oea (modern Tripoli) in battle against Leptis Magna. 

The Garamantes started to become a client state of the Roman Empire, but nomads always endangered the fertile area of coastal Tripolitania. Because of this Romans created the Limes Tripolitanus.

The first fort on the limes was built at Thiges, to protect from nomad attacks in 75 AD. The limes was expanded under emperors Hadrian and Septimius Severus, in particular under the legatus Quintus Anicius Faustus in 197-201 AD.

Anicius Faustus was appointed legatus of the Legio III Augusta and built several defensive forts of the Limes Tripolitanus in Tripolitania, among which Garbia and Golaia (actual Bu Ngem) in order to protect the province from the raids of nomadic tribes. He fulfilled his task quickly and successfully.

As a consequence the Roman city of Gaerisa, situated away from the coast and south of Leptis Magna, developed quickly in a rich agricultural area Ghirza became a "boom town" after 200 CE, when the Roman emperor Septimius Severus (born in Leptis Magna) had organized the Limes Tripolitanus.

Former soldiers were settled in this area, and the arid land was developed. Dams and cisterns were built in the Wadi Ghirza to regulate the flash floods.  The farmers produced cereals, figs, vines, olives, pulses, almonds, dates, and perhaps melons. Ghirza consisted of some forty buildings, including six fortified farms (Centenaria).

With Diocletian the limes was partially abandoned and the defence of the area was done even by the Limitanei, local soldier-farmers. The Limes survived as an effective protection until Byzantine times.  Emperor Justinian restructured the Limes in 533 AD.

From 665 to 689, a new Muslim Arab invasion of North Africa was launched.  The limes fortifications played little part.

It began, according to Will Durant, to protect Egypt "from flank attack by Byzantine Cyrene." So "an army of 40,000 Muslims advanced through the desert to Barca, took it, and marched to the neighborhood of Carthage." A defending Byzantine army of 30,000 was defeated in the process.

Next came a force of 10,000 Arabs led by the Arab general Uqba ibn Nafi and enlarged by thousands of others. Departing from Damascus, the army marched into North Africa and took the vanguard. In 670 the city of Kairouan (roughly eighty miles or 160 kilometers south of modern Tunis) was established as a refuge and base for further operations.

This would become the capital of the Islamic province of Ifriqiya, which would cover the coastal regions of what are today western Libya, Tunisia, and eastern Algeria.
Thus ended 800 years of Roman Africa.

Olive production and Roman water management.
The Romans and Byzantines built dams and cisterns to capture the limited 
rain fall. Local farmers produced cereals, figs, vines, olives, pulses, almonds, 
dates, and perhaps melons.

Suq al-Awty

The Roman Centenarium of Suq al-Awty
  • A Centenarium is an Ancient Roman fortified farmhouse in the Limes TripolitanusThere were more than 2,000 of these fortifications.  Retired legionaries received plots of land along the wadis, in arid areas and the countryside.

The first "Centenaria" were built during Trajan and Septimius Severus expansions of Roman Libya and Africa Proconsularis, when was created the Limes Tripolitanus.

From around the time of disbandment of the Legio III Augusta in 238 AD, legionaries built around two thousand centenaria in the areas around Leptis Magna and Sabratha. Examples remain at Gherait esh-Shergia and Gasr Banat. Some were characterized by the presence of paleochristian churches.

The "Centenaria" system of production, based on autochthonous berbers who were partially Latinized and often even Christians, was successful and worked very well until Byzantine times. Centenaria remained in use for several centuries after the Arab conquest in the second half of the seventh century, until the system collapsed in the eleventh century.

There is much conjecture about the origin of the word "centenarium".  Probably their Latin name was due to the fact that one hundred men (one hundred is said in Latin "centum") worked each fortified farm, under the orders of a former army "centurion".

The Wadi Bruza and three Roman centenarium fortified farms.

Suq al-Awty

On one of the northern spurs along the wadi is a large complex, known as Suq al-Awty, in which five constructions can be discerned.  Two fortified farms, two cisterns and a church.

The northernmost fortified centenarium (above photo) was measured as 20 x 20m with rooms situated around a small central square.  Ceramics show that the place was settles in the second century and so actually predate the construction of the Limes Tripolitanus.

The southern centenarium (photo 904 below) has an extremely heavy eastern wall and the building is about seventeen meters long.  Access was possible through a vaulted passage.  The outside was decorated.  It is as old as the first building.  These fortified farms were surrounded by huts.

A vaulted cistern was built on the southern slope of the hill.  The structure, made of plastered rubble, must have served to collect the rain water that fell on the hill itself.  It is a pretty deep structure and was erected on, not dug in the slope.

Church  -  The main monument is the church dating from the early Byzantine period.  It is about 23m long, has three barrel-vaulted aisles and is almost 13m wide.  A baptistery has been identified.  Water must have been obtained from the nearby cisterns.  The people who visited the church came in from a wide area including a village some six km to the west.

The church was decorated with sculpture and frescoes.  There are also some graffiti including a representation of a water vessel.  A bit odd in a small village in a desert that produced cereals and olives.
Emperor Constans II
The last Roman Emperor
of Tripolitanus

Suq al-Awty and the two centenaria were abandoned in the second half of the seventh century.  This may have been a direct result of the Arab conquest.  The church may have been a special target.

Across the Wadi  -  There were two fortified farmson the south bank of Wadi Burza.  One of them may have had three stories.  The heavy walls, made of coursed rubble, were about a meter in diameter.  There were many people living here with at least twelve rooms in the building.  There were many cisterns in the neighborhood.

After Rome

Except for a new religion, the predesert civilization that was based on careful water management and constant vigilance remained the same. It was only in the eleventh century, when two Arabian dynasties, the Zirids and the Fatimids, were involved in a major war, that the system collapsed. After the garrisons had been transferred from the cities to the front, nomads of Banu Hillal tribe could capture the qsur. The agricultural production declined rapidly, the cities were no longer fed, and the remaining town dwellers abandoned Lepcis Magna and Sabratha to settle in Oea, which was from now on known as Tripoli.

The twelfth-century Sicilian geographer Muhammad al-Idrisi writes: 

"Until recently, the Tripolitana was well-exploited and covered with fig trees, olives, dates palms, and other fruit trees. But the Arabs have completely destroyed this prosperity. The peasants were forced to leave the country, the orchards were destroyed, and the canals were blocked."  - - - Al-IdrisiRoger's Book, 121.

What had for eight centuries been a wealthy province of the Roman, Byzantine, and Muslim empires, now became a desert again. The decline of the population meant that there was no one who could destroy the ancient cities, the qsur, the watchtowers, the forts. They were simply left as they were, until nine centuries after the collapse, the first archaeologists started to study them.

Map of Wadi Buzra

Suq al-Awty  (Bz 904)

Suq al-Awty, cistern

Suq al-Awty, church

Suq al-Awty, church

View across the wadi

(Suq al-Awty)      (Tripolitania)      (Centenarium)      (Limes Tripolitanus)

(Limes Tripolitanus)      (Suq al-Awty)      (Roman Libya)

Saturday, August 1, 2015

The Sack of Pliska and the Massacre at Vărbitsa Pass

Bulgar warriors. Scene from reenactment of the battle,
26 July 2006. Photo credit: Klearchos Kapoutsis

The Bulgarian Empire on the March
An entire Roman army was ambushed and destroyed

In 629 AD the Eastern Roman Empire has reached perhaps the peak of its power.  The ancient enemy of Rome, the Persian Empire, had been totally crushed and Roman rule was restored from the Pillars of Hercules to the Euphrates River. 

It was not to last.  The year 629 saw the first invasions of militant Jihadist Arab armies that ultimately conquered the Roman Middle East, North Africa and besieged Constantinople itself.

While the Arabs were pressing Roman forces in the south, in 681 AD a new pagan enemy appeared - The Bulgarians.

Though Roman armies managed to win a number of victories, the Bulgarians steadily pressed beyond the Danube River frontier deeper and deeper into Roman territory.

The Growing Bulgarian Empire
The Eastern Romans did not have enough on their hands with the Muslim Arab invasions of the Middle East, Africa and two massive sieges of Constantinople itself.  Staring in 681 AD the pagan Bulgarian tribes appeared on the norther Danube frontier and aggressively pushed deeper and deeper into Roman territory.

Bulgarian Warrior Reenactor

Khan Krum the Fearsom

Krum the Fearsome was Khan of the Bulgarian Empire from sometime after 796 but before 803 until his death in 814. During his reign the Bulgarian territory doubled in size, spreading from the middle Danube to the Dnieper and from Odrin to the Tatra Mountains.

The Bulgars did not limit their wars only to Byzantium; they also waged wars in the west of the Balkan Peninsula, and those wars transformed from defensive to aggressive and invasive. During the first years of his rule, Krum had to attend to his north-west borders where at the beginning of the 9th century the political situation changed due to the expansion of the Frankish Empire in the Middle Danubian region and the repulsion of the weak remnants of the Avar Khaganate.
Khan Krum

In 805, the Bulgars killed and captured the remaining Avars, and annexed their lands in today's Eastern Hungary and Transylvania to Bulgaria. The Bulgars put the kagan to flight and captured a host of Avar soldiers; years later, the latter would serve in the Bulgars' wars against Byzantium. The Slav tribes that lived in those lands, after being freed from the Avar rule, recognized the power of the Bulgar Khan.

This victory resulted in the establishment of a common border between the Frankish Empire and Bulgaria.

Krum engaged in a policy of territorial expansion. In 807 Bulgarian forces defeated the Byzantine army in the Struma valley. In 809 Krum besieged and forced the surrender of Serdica (Sofia).  The Bulgar troops captured 1,100 litres of gold and killed many enemy soldiers including all strategos and most of the commanders. In 809 the Knyaz personally besieged the strong fortress of Serdica and seized the city, killing the whole garrison of 6,000.

This victory provoked Byzantine Emperor Nikephoros I to settle Anatolian populations along the Balkan frontier to protect it and to attempt to retake and refortify Serdica, although this enterprise failed.

In 811, the Byzantine Emperor organised a large campaign to conquer Bulgaria once and for all. He gathered an enormous army from the Anatolian and European themata, and the imperial bodyguard (the tagmata); they were joined by a number of irregular troops who expected a swift victory and plunder. The conquest was supposed to be easy, and most of the high-ranking officials and aristocrats accompanied him, including his son Stauracius and his brother-in-law Michael I Rangabe. 

The Bulgarian Kahn Krum is said to have made a drinking cup out
of the skull of Roman Emperor Nikephoros.

There was extensive campaigning and fighting between the Bulgarian
and Roman forces right up to the walls of Constantinople itself.

Forces Involved - The Romans

Traditionally both sides in war vastly inflate the numbers of troops involved.  That is certainly the case here with claims of some 80,000 Romans and 60,000 Bulgarians fighting.

The historian Warren Treadgold places the strength of the entire Roman Army at this point at 80,000.  So the idea of an 80,000 man army marching to meet the enemy is easily shot down.  You can apply the same logic to the Bulgarian side.

Since 681 AD the Romans had been fighting a brutal war with hordes of invading Bulgarians that involved an "ethnic cleansing" of the Empire's population.  Historians at the time all agreed that the Emperor Nikephoros responded to the Bulgarian threat with a major effort.

To try and end the Bulgarian threat the Emperor gathered regiments from Anatolia and Thrace.  Constantinople troops joined the force such as the Imperial Guard Excubitors (perhaps 4,000 cavalry) and the Imperial Vigla (tagma), the Watch, (perhaps as high as another 4,000 men).

Rounding off numbers:  The Emperor may have marched with 10,000 men from Constantinople, 15,000 from the Anatolian Themes and another 10,000 from the Balkans Themes.

The Emperor himself at the head of an army of about 35,000 works for me.  As to the mix of infantry and cavalry we do not know.

The historian Panos Sophoulis leans to a Roman army of 15,000 to 20,000.  He bases his numbers on the logistics needed to supply an army for weeks of campaigning far from Constantinople.  As true as his numbers might be, the fact is far larger armies had campaigned over the centuries and supplied themselves.  He neglects the ability of an advancing army to save on supplies by living off the farms and stored foods of a defeated enemy.  The Romans could have also pre-positioned supplies at towns along the way for use by the army during their return trip.

A 35,000 man army would leave about 45,000 troops left to protect the Empire's lands in Italy, the Dalmatian coast, the Greek islands and Anatolia.  There was constant danger on the southern and eastern fronts from Muslim Arab Jihads.  The Emperor could only send limited numbers of troops.

Byzantine reenactors

The Bulgarians

The permanent Bulgarian army consisted of the khan's guard of select warriors, while the campaign army consisted practically of the entire nation, assembled by clans. In the field, the army was divided into right and left wings.  The Bulgars were well versed in the use of stratagems. They often held a strong cavalry unit in reserve, which would attack the enemy at an opportune moment.

The Bulgarian army was well armed according to the Avar model: the soldiers had a sabre or a sword, a long spear and a bow with an arrow-quiver on the back. On the saddle they hung a round shield, a mace and a lasso.  The heavy cavalry was supplied with metal armor and helmets. The horses were also armored.

The infantry of the newly formed state was composed mainly of Slavs, who were generally lightly armed soldiers, although their chieftains usually had small cavalry retinues. The Slavic footmen were equipped with swords, spears, bows and wooden or leather shields. However, they were less disciplined and less effective than the Bulgar cavalry.

The Byzantine historian Pseudo-Simeon stated that Krum sent a 30,000 strong cavalry, "the whole armored with iron", which devastated Thrace.

Based on research it can be assumed that the heavy cavalry component of the Bulgarian army numbered between 17-20,000 and 30,000 men, depending on the level of mobilization.  Added to that number would be assorted assembled militia/tribal units of infantry and cavalry called into temporary service.

A Bulgarian army of 35,000 permanent and militia units is not a bad guess.

Ruins of Pliska

The Sack of Pliska

Historical accounts are few and often biased.  For example, the historian and clergyman Theophanes hated the Emperor.  He accused the Emperor of witchcraft, sacrificing an ox, homosexuality and worst of all, increasing taxes on the clergy!  The horror!  So we have to read between the lines of recorded history and draw our on conclusions on events.

The army gathered in May, and by 10 July had set up camp at the fortress of Marcelae (present-day Karnobat) near the Bulgarian frontier. Nicephorus intended to confuse them and over the next ten days launched several supposed attacks, which were immediately called back. Krum assessed the situation and estimated that he could not repulse the enemy and offered peace, which Nicephorus haughtily rejected. Theophanes wrote that the Emperor, "was deterred from his own ill thoughts and the suggestions of his advisors who were thinking like him".

The Emperor invaded the Bulgarian lands and marched through the Balkan passes towards the capital of Pliska
Gold coin of the Emperor
Nikephoros I, 802-811,
Athens, Numismatic Museum.

The geography itself was as much of an enemy as the Bulgarians.  During the first millennium, the territory of northern Bulgaria (Moesia) was covered with an unbroken forest, known in Europe as Magna Silva Bulgarica. The forest was especially dense and impassable in the region: Veregava and the plains and valleys at its foothills. It further slowed the march: the large army moved in columns along the narrow forest paths, the cavalry frequently dismounting at the steep slopes. 

Because this was a hostile territory, light cavalry scouts were sent ahead to spy out the army's line of march, the position of enemy forces and fortifications, the availability of wood and water, fodder and food, and were responsible for providing the commanders of the Byzantine forces with sufficient information for them to plan their route and the marching camps.

The Emperor divided the army each of which marched across the frontier by different routes,  One column moved through the mountains and the other near the coast.  The mountain column may have subdivided with multiple units marching through different passes.  

The Bulgars did not have the man power to defend multiple entry points and retreated.  It is possible that the Bulgars deliberately pulled back to conserve their strength.

The Romans met little resistance. When they reached the capital the Byzantines met an army of 12,000 elite, well armed Bulgarian soldiers who guarded the stronghold. The Bulgarians were defeated and most of them perished.
Elite Soldier of the Imperial Tagmata
of Excubita/Excubitores.

The Kahn Krum hastily gathered together another army of 50,000.  This number is grossly inflated.  But we can assume these follow up troops were more militia then regular soldiers.  The two forces met on the plains of Pliska where the better organized Romans on flat ground soundly defeated the second Bulgarian force.

Following the victory the Bulgarian treasury was captured and the Emperor installed himself in Krum's residence.  The Emperor sent dispatches to Constantinople announcing the victory.  He said that he was planning to build a city named for himself on the site.

There then followed the rewarding of the Roman troops along with the destruction of the city.

The Chronicle reports a generous Emperor:

"(He) found great spoils which he commanded be distributed among his army as per the troop roster . . . When he opened the storehouses of (Krum's) wine he distributed it so everyone could drink his fill."

Obviously the Emperor felt his victory was so complete that drunken soldiers would not be an issue.

Michael the Syrian, patriarch of the Syrians Jacobites in XIIth century described in his Chronicle the brutalities and atrocities of the Byzantine Emperor: “Nicephorus, emperor of the Romans, walked in Bulgars land: he was victorious and killed a great number of them. He reached their capital, took it over and devastated it. His savagery went to such a point that he ordered to bring their small children, got them tied down on earth and made thresh grain stones to smash them.” 

The Byzantine soldiers looted and plundered; burnt down the unharvested fields, cut the sinews of the oxen, slaughtered sheep, pigs and committed rape. The Emperor took over Krum's treasury, locked it and did not allow his troops to reach it at the same time cutting noses and other appendages of soldiers who touched the trophies. At the end, Nicephorus ordered his troops to burn down Krum's residence.

According to the historian Theophanes, Krum’s proclamation stated, "Here you are, you have won. So take what you please and go with peace." Nicephorus, overconfident from his success, ignored him. He believed that Bulgaria was thoroughly conquered.

The Massacre of Vărbitsa Pass

The Emperor Nicephorus spent some time looting and leveling Pliska.  Whatever day dreams the Emperor may have had about restoring the province to Rome were shattered when scouts reported enemy activity in the surrounding areas.  The Emperor ordered the troops to march for home.

Kahn Krum had been busy gathering what forces he could.  He collected the surviving Bulgar warriors who had feld into the mountains and called up more of his soldiers.  He also hired what was left of the Avar warriors as well as neighboring Slav tribes (the Sklavinias).

As to numbers, we do not know how many troops Krum had available to him.  It is reasonable to assume he would have had at least 10,000 men and perhaps more.  Certainly he had enough troops available to confidently feel he could take on the entire Roman army that had just defeated him twice.

Initially Nicephorus intended to march through Moesia and reach Serdica (today Sofia) before returning to Constantinople, but the news of these preparations for a battle changed his decision and he chose the shortest way back to his capital . . . . through narrow mountain passes.  

This is never the best of choices for a commander.  Your troops are strung out over a long roads and unable to easily form up into compact units for attack or defense.  The smaller numbers of an enemy can take advantage and attack in multiple areas at the same time.

The Bulgarians built temporary log palisades in the narrow mountain
passes to block the Byzantine retreat.

The Bulgarians had been busy preparing a trap for the retreating Byzantines.  In a unique Bulgar technique, they rapidly assembled and placed rude wooden palisades of logs bound with twine across the narrow mountain valleys.  The Chronicle of 811 says they were:  "a fearsome and impenetrable fence out of tree trunks, in the manner of a wall."

These palisades were not fortifications that could resist a siege.  Rather they would provide the Bulgarians a measure of protection while they launched arrows and missiles.  Being able to fire through slits in the wall negated the archery power of the Byzantines.

The fault for the coming massacre is totally with an overconfident Emperor.  He had beaten the Bulgarians twice on open ground and burned their city.  But even with reports of gathering enemy forces he appears to have had a relaxed, out for a stroll in the countryside view of a march through enemy territory.

This is illustrated by the Chronicle of 811 which reports that the Emperor's camp was not fortified and the other Roman troops were spread out up and down the mountain road and unable to support each other.  One historian noted that nights in this period were dark and moonless.  Perfect for sneaking up to the Roman camp.

The Bulgarians did not wait for the Romans to reach the log barriers.  The Chronicle of 811 says they attacked in the dead of night:

  • "They fell on (the Byzantine soldiers) still half asleep, who arose and, arming themselves, in haste, joined the battle.  But since (the forces) were encamped a great distance from one another, they did not know immediately what was happening.  For they (the Bulgars) fell only upon the Imperial encampment, which they began to cut to pieces.  When few resisted, and none strongly, but many were slaughtered, the rest who saw it gave themselves to flight.  At this same place there was also a river, . . . . they threw themselves into the river.  Entering with their horses and net being able to get out, they sank into the swamp, and were trampled by those coming from behind.  And some men fell on the others, so that the river was so full with men and horses that the enemies crossed on top of them unharmed and pursued the rest."

According to the Chronicle there was but one log palisade and it was unmanned.  That may or may not be correct.  Certainly the Bulgars put this one on what would be the main road out of the mountain pass.  If it was unmanned or lightly manned that speaks to the lack of available Bulgarian troops for this part of the campaign.  The Chronicle says:

  • "Those who thought they had escaped from the carnage of the river came up against the fence that the Bulgars has constructed, which was strong and exceedingly difficult to cross . . . . They abandoned their horses and, having climbed up with their hands and feet, hurled themselves headlong on the other side.  But there was a deep excavated trench on the other side, so that those who hurled themselves from the top broke their limbs.  Some of them died immediately, while the others progressed a short distance, but did not have the strength to walk. . . . . In other places, men set fire to the fence, and when the bonds (which held the logs together) burned through and the fence collapsed above the trench, those fleeing were unexpectedly thrown down and fell into the pit of the trench of the fire . . . . both themselves and their horses.  On that same day the Emperor Nikephoros was killed during the first assault, and nobody is able to relate the manner of his death.  Injured also was his son Staurakios, who suffered a mortal wound to the spinal vertebrae from which he died after having ruled the Romans for two months."

The entire slaughter taking place in a pitch black night must and been a nightmare.

Bulgarian Warrior Reenactors
(Screenshot HunHorda)

The Aftermath

After the battle, Kahn had the Emperor's head on a spike, then Krum encased Nicephorus's skull in silver, and used it as a cup for wine-drinking.

The defeat was the worst the empire had faced since the Battle of Adrianople over 400 years earlier, when the Eastern Roman forces were defeated by the Visigoths and Emperor Valens himself was killed. It was a stupendous blow to the Imperial prestige—to the legend of the Emperor’s sacrosanctity, so carefully fostered to impress the barbarians. 

Moreover, the Visigoths that slew Valens had been mere nomads, destined soon to pass away to other lands; the Bulgars were barbarians settled at the gate, and determined—more so now than ever—to remain there. The military might of the Empire was severely crippled.

Casualties  -  There are no firm numbers for casualties on either side.  Contemporary accounts agree that the battle was a slaughter.  But a complete annihilation of an army is rare in military history.  We can speculate that Roman casualties might have easily gone above 50%, 60% and perhaps much higher.

Among the nobles killed were the patricians Theodosios Salibaras and Sisinnios Triphyllios; the strategos of the Anatolics Romanos and the strategos of Thrace; as well as the commanders of the Excubitors and Vigla tagmata.  Nicephorus's son, Stauracius, was carried to safety by the Imperial bodyguard after receiving a paralyzing wound to his neck.  Six months later, his wounds finally killed him.

That the Imperial Guard took the Emperor's son to safety says there were large gaps in whatever the Bulgarian battle lines were.  If parts of the Guard escaped it is possible that other units managed to get themselves out of the trap.

The bottom line is this massacre was a massive blow to both Roman psychology and to the army itself with many prime military units being lost. 

Byzantine Soldier

Click to enlarge


(Warfare, State And Society In The Byzantine World 560-1204)

(Byzantium and Bulgaria, 775-831)      (Medieval Bulgarian Army)

(Krum)      (lyudmilantonov.blogspot)      (Battle of Pliska)

Thursday, July 16, 2015

Byzantine Gold Coins - Making the World Go Around Since 395 AD

Gold Solidus of Emperor Arcadius (383 - 408 AD).

Money Equals Power
The Eastern Roman Empire died in 1453, but 
their money still has value today.

The raw power of money is underrated in history.  Money buys not only political influence, it buys the military power to defend yourself and enforce your will on others.  Roman gold coins represented that power for thousands of years.

Money used in the Eastern Roman Empire after the fall of the West consisted of mainly two types of coins: the gold solidus and a variety of clearly valued bronze coins.  By the end of the empire the currency was issued only in silver stavrata and minor copper coins with no gold issue.

The start of what is viewed as Byzantine currency by numismatics began with the monetary reform of Anastasius in 498, who reformed the late Roman Empire coinage system which consisted of the gold solidus and the bronze nummi.

The only regularly issued silver coin was the Hexagram first issued by Heraclius in 615 which lasted until the end of the 7th century. It was succeeded by the initially ceremonial miliaresion established by Leo III the Isaurian in ca. 720, which became standard issue from ca. 830 on and until the late 11th century, when it was discontinued after being severely debased.

The gold solidus or nomisma remained a standard of international commerce until the 11th century, when it began to be debased under successive emperors beginning in the 1030s under the Emperor Romanos Argyros (1028–1034).

The Byzantine solidus was valued in Western Europe, where it became known as the bezant, a corruption of Byzantium

Theodosius II (408-450), Heavy Miliarense, Constantinopolis, AD 408-420; diademed, draped and cuirassed bust r., Rv. GLORIA – ROMANORVM, emperor standing facing, holding spear and resting on shield.

As part of his currency reforms, Constantine introduced a fine silver coin called the miliarense (from the Latin miliarensis (meaning “of a thousand”), because a thousand of these coins roughly equaled the value of a pound of gold, a unit used to express large sums such as the salaries of officials). There were two versions: a “light” miliarense struck at 72 to the pound, and a “heavy” 60 to the pound. One gold solidus was worth 14 heavies or 18 lights.
Miliarenses were handsome, well-made coins, and many surviving specimens are pierced for wear as ornaments or amulets. A typical obverse design was the emperor’s portrait, while the reverse often showed his standing figure in military garb, striking a noble pose and surrounded by the Latin motto GLORIA ROMANORUM (“Glory of the Romans.”)

In the late Roman period, coins were minted in a number of cities, mainly because of the danger and cost of moving large quantities of precious metal from place to place. This system was inherited by Byzantium, and in the 6th century there were six mints in the Eastern Empire (Constantinople, Nicomedia, Cyzicus, Antioch [Theoupolis], Alexandria and Thessalonica) and three in the Western provinces that Justinian had reconquered from the Vandals and the Ostrogoths (Carthage, Rome and Ravenna).

Gold coins were minted mainly in the capital and consequently have the mint mark CON (for Constantinople), with OB added on the solidi to show that they were minted of pure gold.

Aelia Eudoxia, wife of Arcadius No.: 617 Light miliarense, Constantinople 400-404, AR 4.46 g. AEL EUDO – XIA AVG Diademed and draped bust r., wearing earring and necklace; crowned above by the Hand of God. Rev. The Empress seated on throne facing, wearing diadem (?) and mantle, crowned above by the Hand of God; at sides, two crosses.
The rarest fifth century silver was struck for empresses. For Aelia Eudoxia, wife of Arcadius (Byzantine Emperor 395-408), a light miliarense shows the elaborate helmet-like hairdo favored by imperial ladies of this era. On the reverse she sits enthroned, flanked by plain crosses, while the “hand of God” reaches down to crown her. Aelia Eudocia (the similar names are an endless source of confusion), wife of Theodosius II, appears similarly coiffed on a rare silver siliqua of Constantinople, but the reverse is simply a cross in a wreath.

Gold Medallion of Constantine I
Multiple solidus struck at Sirmium in 324.  
More than 10 years after his victory under the sign of the 
cross, the
emperor is shown wearing the radiate crown, a 
reflection of his
continued devotion to the Sun God, Apollo.

The Economy of the Eastern Roman Empire

The Roman Empire effectively created one large free trade zone.  Under the protection of a central military goods could be produced and shipped from Africa to the Balkans and from Mesopotamia to Italy.  A universally accepted imperial currency of gold, silver and copper coins helped stimulate trade.

Constantinople was a prime hub in a trading network that at various times extended across nearly all of Eurasia and North Africa. Some scholars argue that, up until the arrival of the Arabs in the 7th century, the Eastern Roman Empire had the most powerful economy in the world.
Copper follis of Emperor
Anastastius I (491-518)

The state exercised formal control over interest rates, and set the parameters for the activity of the guilds and corporations in Constantinople, in which the state has a special interest (e.g. the sale of silk) or whose members exercised a profession that was of importance for trade. The emperor and his officials intervened at times of crisis to ensure the provisioning of the capital and to keep down the price of cereals.

Silk was used by the state both as a means of payment, and of diplomacy. Raw silk was bought from China and made up into fine brocades and cloth-of-gold that commanded high prices through the world. Later, silk worms were smuggled into the empire and the overland silk trade became less important. After Justinian I the manufacturing and sale of silk had become an imperial monopoly, only processed in imperial factories, and sold to authorized buyers.

Other commodities that were traded, in Constantinople and elsewhere, were numerous: oil, wine, salt, fish, meat, vegetables, other alimentary products, timber and wax. Ceramics, linen, and wooven cloth were also items of trade. Luxury items, such as silks, perfumes and spices were also important. 

Trade in slaves is attested, both on behalf of the state, and, possibly, by private individuals. International trade was practiced not only in Constantinople, which was until the late twelfth century an important center of the eastern luxury trade, but also in other cities that functioned as centers of inter-regional and international trade, such as Thessaloniki and Trebizond.

Follis of a new type, minted in large quantities in celebration of Emperor Theophilos' victories against the Arabs from ca. 835 on. On the obverse he is represented in triumphal attire, wearing the toupha, and on the reverse the traditional acclamation "Theophilos Augustus, you conquer".

Byzantine Coinage

"The use of coins welds together our whole life, and is the basis 
of all our transactions. Whenever anything is to be bought or 
sold, we do it all through coins."
John Chrysostom

The wealth of the Byzantine emperor was equalled only by the kings of Sasanian Persia and the caliphs of Baghdad.

A vivid description of the Byzantine court's sense of superiority toward the "barbarian" West has been preserved by Liutprand of Cremona, the ambassador of Emperor Otto II to Constantinople in 950, who quotes a high court official's arrogant comments:

"We surpass all other nations in wealth and wisdom and with our money which gives us power, we will rouse the whole world against [your emperor] and break him in pieces like a potter's vessels."
Emperor Heraclius (610 - 614)

The annual budget of the Byzantine Empire in periods of great prosperity, such as the 6th and 12th centuries, has been estimated at some 7 million gold coins, but even in the 9th century, when so much territory had been lost to the Arabs, it still amounted to some 3 million nomismata. Although precious metals were available from mines in Asia Minor and the Balkans, apparently the government raised most of its revenue through taxation. The land tax was the most important source of imperial revenue and taxes were also levied on households as well as on commercial transactions and imported goods.

The wealth of Constantinople can be seen by how Justin I (518 - 527) used 3,700 pounds of gold just for celebrating his own consulship. By the end of his reign, Anastasius I (491 - 518) had managed to collect for the treasury an amount of 23,000,000 solidi or 320,000 pounds of gold. At the start of Justinian I's reign (527 - 565), the Emperor had inherited a surplus 28,800,000 from Anastasius I and Justin I.

The Byzantine-Arab Wars reduced the territory of the Empire to a third in the 7th century and the economy slumped; in 780 the Byzantine Empire's revenues were reduced to only 1,800,000 nomismata

From the 8th century onward the Empire's economy improved dramatically. This was a blessing for Byzantium in more than one way; the economy, the administration of gold coinage and the farming of the Anatolian peninsula served to meet the military's constant demands. Since Byzantium was in a constant state of warfare with her neighbors the military required weapons to be manufactured by the bigger cities (such as Thessaloniki) whilst the smaller towns were subject to grain, wine and even biscuit requisitions by Imperial officers. 
Emperor Leontius (695 - 698)

Even though the soldiers' pay was minimal large armies were a considerable strain on Byzantium. As gold coins were spent on soldiers to serve in the army, these would in time spend their money acquiring their own goods and much revenue would return to the state in the form of taxation. As a result, the Byzantine economy was self-sufficient, allowing it to thrive in the Dark Ages. The success of the Byzantine army was in no small part due to the success of her economy.

When a massive Muslim army invaded the empire in 806, forcing Nikephoros I to pay a ransom of 50,000 gold coins and a yearly tribute of 30,000 gold coins. In order to impress the Caliph of BaghdadTheophilos distributed 36,000 gold coins to the citizens of Baghdad, and in 838, he was forced to pay 100,000 gold dinars to the Caliph. 

The Byzantine economic recovery in the early 800s can be seen by the fact that Emperor Theophilos was able to leave 7,000,000 nomismata in the imperial treasury for his successor in AD 842.

From the tenth century, however, until the end of the twelfth, the Byzantine Empire projected an image of wealth and luxury. Constantine V's reforms (c. 765) marked the beginning of a revival that continued until 1204. 

The travelers who visited its capital were impressed by the wealth accumulated in Constantinople; riches that also served the state's diplomatic purposes as a means of propaganda, and a way to impress foreigners as well its own citizens. When Liutprand of Cremona was sent as an ambassador to the Byzantine capital in the 940s, he was overwhelmed by the imperial residence, the luxurious meals, and acrobatic entertainment.

Gold solidus of Romanos I with his eldest son, Christopher Lekapenos.
Romanos I Lekapenos, was an Armenian who became a Byzantine
naval commander and reigned as 
Byzantine Emperor from 920 until
his deposition on December 16, 944.

In exchange for an alliance, Alexios I (1081 - 1118) sent 360,000 gold coins to Emperor Henry IV. The wealth of the empire under the Comnenians can be seen by how Emperor Manuel I (1143 - 1180) was able to ransom some Latin prisoners from the Muslims for 100,000 dinars, then 150,000 dinars for Bohemond III in AD 1165, 120,000 dinars for Raynald of Châtillon, and 150,000 dinars for Baldwin of Ibelin in 1180. 

When Manuel became emperor he ordered 2 gold coins to be given to every householder in Constantinople and 200 pounds of gold (including 200 silver coins annually) to be given to the Byzantine Church. When his niece Theodora married King Baldwin III of Jerusalem in 1157, Manuel gave her a dowry of 100,000 gold coins, 10,000 gold coins for marriage expenses, and presents (jewels and silk garments) which were worth 14,000 gold coins total.

The economy and the availability of gold declined with the dismemberment of the Empire after 1204, the successive territorial losses to the Turks, and the Italian expansion in the Mediterranean and the Black Sea.

By the time the Palaiologoi took power, Italian merchants had come to dominate the trade by sea whilst Turkic incursions prevented any success from trade across roads. Michael VIII Palaiologos strove to restore the capital's greatness, but the resources of the empire were inadequate.

By 1321, only with extreme effort was Andonikos II able to raise revenues to 1,000,000 hyperpyra.

The Byzantine economy had declined so much that by 1343, Empress Anne of Savoy had to pawn the Byzantine crown jewels for 30,000 Venetian ducats, which was the equivalent of 60,000 hyperpyra. In 1348, Constantinople had an annual revenue of 30,000 hyperpyra.

In February 1424, Manuel II Palaiologos signed an unfavorable peace treaty with the Ottoman Turks, whereby the Byzantine Empire was forced to pay 300,000 silver coins to the Sultan on annual basis. Emperor Constantine XI owed Venice 17,163 hyperpyra when he died in AD 1453.

The Decline
The rapid decline of the late empire forced the coinage of silver.  Above is a silver Stavraton of the Emperor Manuel II Palaiologos (r. 1391–1425).

(Coin Exhibition)      (Byzantine money)      (Coin Week)

(Byzantine coinage)      (Byzantine economy)