Dedicated to the military history and civilization of the Eastern Roman Empire (330 to 1453)

"Time in its irresistible and ceaseless flow carries along on its flood all created things and drowns them in the depths of obscurity."

- - - - Princess Anna Comnena (1083–1153) - Byzantine historian

Sunday, October 16, 2011

The Arab Sack of Thessaloniki

Thessaloniki - the second most important city in the 10th century Eastern Roman Empire.  In 904AD the city was caught by surprise by an Arab naval force out of Syria.  The city was sacked and up to 20,000 citizens were sold into slavery by the Muslims.

The Arab Sack of Thessaloniki in 904AD

For centuries the Roman Empire had suffered from what I call Rural-ization.  This is the exact opposite of urbanization where you see the growth of cities, trade, money, jobs and wealth.
Under Rural-ization every time there was an invasion of outsiders the Empire would grow just a little bit weaker and a bit more rural.  A city would be sacked.  A farm district laid waste and the citizens hauled off into slavery.  Any rebuilding would never quite bring things back to the level they were at pre-invasion.  The population would decline, cities shrank, the economy would atrophy and income to the state treasury contract.

The Sack of Thessaloniki in 904 by Saracen pirates was one of the worst disasters to befall the Byzantine Empire in the 10th century.

An Arab fleet sailing from Syria was led by the Christian turned Muslim renegade Leo of Tripoli.  The imperial capital of Constantinople was its initial target. The Muslims were deterred from attacking Constantinople perhaps by an alert Byzantine navy.  Leo then turned to Thessalonica, totally surprising the Byzantines, whose navy was unable to react in time.

The city walls, especially towards the sea, were in disrepair, while the city's two commanders issued conflicting orders. After a short siege, the Saracens were able to storm the seaward walls, overcome the Thessalonians' resistance and take the city on 29 July. 

The sacking continued for a full week, before the raiders departed for their bases in the Levant.  Leo also freed 4,000 Muslim prisoners while capturing 60 ships.

Many of the captives, including John Kaminiates, who chronicled the sack, were ransomed by the Empire and exchanged for Muslim captives.

The Saracens of Crete co-operated closely with their Syrian counterparts, who often used Crete as a base or a stop-over.  Leo of Tripoli made a stop in Crete when his fleet returned from Thessalonica.  Many of the over 20,000 Thessalonian captives were sold or gifted as slaves in Crete. 

A Saracen fleet used to invade Crete.  The Saracens of Crete co-operated closely with their Syrian counterparts, who often used Crete as a base or a stop-over as during Leo of Tripoli's fleet return from Thessalonica.

John Kaminiates  -  A personal account of the battle and sack

The following account of the short siege comes from John Kaminiates, who was captured and taken as a prisoner with his father and brothers. He wrote a letter to Gregory of Kappadokia while he was in captivity, concluding it around the end of September 905.

Prior to this section, John Kaminiates gives a detailed description of Thessaloniki and its defenses, then reveals that information has come to the city that a naval force under Leo of Tripoli (numbered at fifty-four large galleys by other sources) has turned away from an attack on Constantinople and is headed to his city.

The letter of John Kaminiates

While we were thus exerting ourselves in vain, someone arrived with the news that the ships of the barbarians were already nearing the neck of land described as the ‘Jetty.’ This occurred at daybreak on Sunday the 29th of July in the six thousand four hundred and twelfth year of the Creation of the World (AD 904).

The report spread like wildfire through the city and there was turmoil, din and confusion on all sides, as people shouted out now one thing now another, trying to decide what to do about the immediate situation, and everybody armed himself as best he could and hastened to man the walls. And they were not yet properly deployed along the battlements, when the barbarian fleet appeared in view from the previously mentioned promontory, in full sail.

With the wind abetting them in the first moments of daylight, the enemy swooped down from close by. First of all, they lowered the sails, having positioned themselves alongside the wall, and began to take careful note of the layout of the city. They did not, in fact, offer battle as soon as they had dropped anchor but left some time in order to probe our strength and the extent of our preparedness and to equip themselves for combat.

They stood for a while filled with apprehension, unable to compare the spectacle that now confronted them with anything they had seen before: what they saw was a city of considerable dimensions with the entire course of its wall manned by great numbers of people. Consequently, they were even more dismayed and held back for a short time from giving battle. We, for our part, began to pluck up courage and in the short ensuing respite to restore our morale.

The Byzantine long walls of Thessaloniki.

On Leo of Tripoli

While we were in this situation, the leader of the barbarian forces decided to patrol the entire section of the wall that is washed by the sea. He was a sinister and thoroughly evil person, who flaunted a style of behavior singularly appropriate to the wild animal after which he was named and for whose ferocious ways and ungovernable temper he was more than a match. . . . (he loves nothing more than the) spilling of human blood and to love nothing better than the slaughter of Christians.

He too was once a Christian, was reborn in the saving grace of baptism and taught the precepts of our religion. But when he was taken prisoner by the barbarians, he embraced their impiety.

So Leo, this untamable beast, this felon, sailed around the wall gazing intently and searching out with studied malice a possible point from which to launch his attack. The other ships dropped anchor at a single point on the eastern shoreline and began to make their preparations.

The Attack on the City

Our citizens also donned their armor, manned the battlements and braced themselves for the ensuing contest.

But when that wild beast had surveyed the entire extent of the wall and had noticed that the entrance to the harbor was barred by an iron chain and obstructed by the sunken hulks of a number of ships, he decided to launch his attack just at those points which he perceived to be free of those blocks of stone which, lurking on the seabed where they had earlier been placed, impeded the access of his ships and where his fleet would not be under heavier fire from that part of the wall which had already been built up to some considerable height.

He chose a location, in fact, where a great depth of sea water beat against a particularly low stretch of wall, made a careful note of his position, and then, returning to his men, gave the signal for battle. They swooped down with their ships towards those points which had been described to them, letting out harsh and savage cries and rowing furiously in the direction of the wall. And banging on rawhide drums, they raised a fearful din, and they tried with many other kinds of bluff to frighten the defenders on the battlements.

But those who were manning the wall shouted back even louder and invoked the aid of the saving weapon of the cross against the enemy forces. And they did this to such an effect that the barbarians, at the sound of so many people uttering a cry more fearsome than any they had previously heard, were dazed for a while and did not expect to achieve anything. Estimating the numbers of the citizens from the loudness of their shouts, they concluded that it would be no easy matter to enter the fray against such odds and to sack so great a city, the like of which they had never seen.

Byzantine fortifications  -  the upper city walls

Assault on the Walls

Nevertheless, in order not to create the impression of having lost their nerve at the start of their offensive, they advanced neither fearlessly, nor with the rage which they later displayed, but with a certain blend of frenzy and fear, protecting themselves against their opponents by means of a barrage of missiles. Then their approach became more reckless and they strove to bring the fighting nearer, rousing themselves to fury like barking dogs and thoroughly enraged by the weapons that were hurled down at them from the wall. The citizens, in fact, were anything but remiss in their use of archery, and used it to great and conspicuous effect by stationing all the Sklavenes [a southern Slav peoples] gathered from the neighboring regions at those points from which it was easiest to shoot accurately and where there was nothing to deflect the momentum of their missiles.

But while both parties were shooting and being shot at, and neither side was gaining the upper hand, a detachment of barbarians, consisting no doubt of individuals bolder and more daring than the rest, leaped overboard. They took with them a wooden ladder, which they propelled through the water and with which they attempted to scale the wall, paying no heed to the weapons discharged against them from that quarter. In fact, they kept their bodies underwater until they got close up and swam in holding their shields over their heads. Once they got near, however, left without the protection afforded by the water and using their shields to cover their heads, they struggled manfully against a rain of missiles.

Then, rapidly drawing up the ladder against the rampart, they tried to scale the wall. But death forestalled their plan and before they could form a clear idea of how to carry out their scheme they lost their lives. No sooner, in fact, had their feet touched the rungs of the ladder than a volley of stones as thick as hail was unleashed against them, toppling them off and sending them headlong to a watery grave. Whereupon the ships all drew back quickly, not daring for the time being to venture anything further of the kind. They resorted, instead, to discharging from a distance a hail of missiles that darkened the air, but they too came equally under fire from well-aimed shafts that rarely missed their mark and from shot from the stone-throwing engines, the mere sound of which as it whistled through the air struck terror into the hearts of the barbarians.

Byzantine Infantry

A military manual written about 965 by Nikiphoros Phokas (Composition on Warfare)  goes into much detail about the optimal arms and armor for Roman troops of the time. When correctly read in the light of other source material and practical knowledge, it is an invaluable basis for reconstructing Roman arms and armor of the late tenth to twelfth centuries.

For the front line infantry the Composition on Warfare (I.3-4) describes a set of minimal equipment consisting of a turban over a thick felt cap and a coat (kavadion) made of coarse silk quilted with cotton wadding “as thick as can be stitched”. To avoid the encumbrance to movement that such a stiff, heavy garment would inflict, the arms are to pass out through openings in the armpits and the sleeves buttoned back to the shoulders. Leo's Taktika is more optimistic, implying that such troops might have mail or lamellar, helmets and other armor.

This man also wears padded leggings, kampotouva or touvia and the type of boot probably called mouzakia in one source.

These troops were to be armed with spears 4 to 5 metres long, “belt-hung swords” and either a mace or an axe. This variety of axe is called a tzikourion.

Later sources imply that something very like this remained in use to the late twelfth century, and probably beyond.

Osprey Publishing, Warrior Series volume Byzantine Infantryman: Eastern Roman Empire, c.900 - 1204, (2007).   (Levantia)

Speech to the Troops

Niketas, who has been mentioned before, the one who had been sent by the emperor, was hurrying up and down the entire length of the wall, encouraging the people in the following words: 

‘Men of Thessaloniki, I held a different opinion of you before this moment and would not have considered you to be so gallant and daring in action, since you had neither been put to the test nor had you proved yourselves in this sphere in the past. . . . . stand your ground courageously and endeavor to secure victory for your native city and for yourselves and do not turn and flee from the enemy, lest, having for the sake of one small moment of weakness placed yourselves in such terrible danger, you leave behind you a novel tale for posterity to tell.’

With these fighting words he encouraged the people and went the rounds, instilling no small degree of confidence into the hearts of all.

And the strategos [Leo Chitzilakes], as though oblivious of his own affliction, though it was grievous (resulting as it did from the fall that we related earlier) and unbearably painful, also went around, mounted on a mule, not sitting astride it but sidesaddle, to the extent that the pains in his shattered limbs permitted. He posted the more stalwart members of the imperial guard at certain vital points along the wall, so that for their part they might also spur on those near them to imitate their actions, and thus dispose them to battle.

The barbarians attacked not once but several times in the course of that day, but they suffered more casualties than before and withdrew. At a preconcerted signal they suspended operations at sea, retired with their ships and dropped anchor beside a stretch of coast to the east of the city. Then they disembarked and began to shoot at those who were positioned on the high section of wall where the so called ‘Rome Gate’ stands, close to the sea. They fought there until late into the night and then, apparently fatigued by their exertions, rested on board their ships; though perhaps they were exercising their minds how best to attack us on the following day and were intent on preparing a further series of treacherous and deceitful moves.

We were thrown into a further state of anxiety over the level of vigilance maintained by the troops manning the fortifications that ringed the city and the suspicious movements of the barbarians, movements which might be the prelude to a successful ambush carried out under cover of darkness that would allow them to penetrate our defences undetected and thus encompass our destruction. They are in fact extremely clever in this area, and once they have decided to act, they act decisively.  Accordingly, we stayed awake all that night.

11th century chronicle depicting a Byzantine siege.  Both Arabs and Byzantines used stone throwing weapons in the siege of Thessaloniki.   Traction trebuchets had a range of 100 to 200 feet (30 to 61 m) when casting weights up to 250 pounds  (110 kg).

Day Two of the Attack

But when daybreak came and announced the second day of fighting, the strategoi [Leo Chitzilakes and Niketas] once more went to great lengths to put us on our mettle and prepare us for action. As the sun’s rays spread daylight over the air, the barbarians disembarked and launched a further attack against the wall. They deployed, distributing themselves along certain points in battle formation. And concentrating their greatest numbers on the openings in the wall where the gates stood, they brought the full weight of their weapons to bear against us. Some used bows and arrows, others the handmade thunder of stones.

Others applied themselves to stone-throwing engines and sent giant hailstones of rock hurtling through the air. Death threatened us in many shapes, and since it came from all directions, it lent a further dimension of terror to the experience of those who happened to be nearby. Against the already-mentioned gate alone they placed seven stone-throwing engines heavily protected on all sides, which they had previously equipped specially for this purpose during their progress by way of Thasos.

In front of these they brought up wooden ladders, which they placed against the wall and tried to climb up, providing themselves with cover by means of a barrage of stones from the stone-throwing engines, whose relentless fire made it impossible for anyone to venture forth with impunity on to the wall. And already they had attached a ladder to the battlements of the outwork and their plan would have been realized, had not a heavenly power given certain daring men the strength to leap down on to the spot. They wounded the barbarians with their spears and sent them pitching backwards together with the ladder. When they saw that this strategem too had failed, they fled and even left the ladder behind.

We were so far emboldened as to mock them and to hurl missiles at them and stones from the stone-throwing engines even more eagerly than on the day before. And we no longer allowed them to get anywhere near the wall for even a short time, even though they were kindled to greater fury and sharpened their tusks like wild boars and would have torn us up alive with them, had it been possible.

How terrifying it was to hear them raving like maniacs against us! What towering fits of anger they displayed, when they gnashed their teeth furiously and their demonic nature was revealed by the way they continually foamed at the mouth! Nor would they take any food throughout the entire course of that day but were insatiable for battle in spite of the tremendous heat. Indeed they were not even vaguely aware of the fact that their own bodies were broken with fatigue and scorched by the sun which was beating down on their heads.

But since it was highly dangerous for them to approach the wall, they relied exclusively on missiles and on stone-throwing engines. Drawing themselves up in rows, they took their stand some distance away yet near enough for their shots to fall upon the city with undiminished force. Protecting themselves with their shields and throwing their entire being into the struggle, they stood like statues with bodies of bronze or some other hard material and displayed limitless qualities of endurance and a fighting spirit that defied description.

And in fact, when the sun was in its noonday course, when more than any other time of day it heats the air up like a furnace, they kindled their inborn fury with that last extreme of heat and goading their irrational frenzy still further with the stimulus of despair, they threw all their energies into a different (and particularly deadly) kind of siege.

There were four gates in the wall on the east side of the city. Two of these, the previously mentioned Rome Gate, and the so-called Kassandreiotic Gate, they planned to burn down. The idea was that, if they could penetrate the outwork when the outer gates were burnt down and creep up to the high wall, they could wreck the inner gates without having anything to fear and pen everyone up in the city by posting expert archers opposite the wall to shoot their arrows continually and prevent anyone inside from venturing out.

Byzantine walls in Thessaloniki

City Gates Burn Down

They set about their cunning plan in the following way: They found carts on which they placed upside down very small boats of the kind our fishermen use to fish with, adding a great quantity of firewood and a pile of brushwood. Then they sprinkled it all with pitch and sulphur, put their shoulders to the carts, set their wheels in motion and guided them with their hands until they reached the gates. Then they lit the wood from underneath and covering themselves with their shields, went back to the archers, having carried out their plan unnoticed. The fire took hold of the wood, feeding its flame until it flared up and caused the outer surface of the gates, which were iron-plated, to turn white-hot. Then the white heat, spreading inwards, reduced the gates to a sheet of flame, so that in a short time they collapsed, which threw everyone into a state of abject fear.

No sooner was the news reported throughout the city that the gates had been burnt down than the effect was as though everyone had been stabbed through the heart; such was the state of terror and dejection to which people were reduced, as the color drained from their cheeks, and as they abandoned abruptly every confident expectation.

Now that the outer gates had been destroyed by fire, we quickly protected the inner ones with a new wall. And we put water in containers on the battlements and kept a close watch in case the enemy should by any chance launch an attack against these gates too, so that when they tried to cause further damage, we might have some means of contending with the flames and preserving the gates from their treacherous designs.

When they realized this, however, they no longer resorted to these particular evil tactics. Yet by resorting to other tactics still more cunning and more violent, they were destined to bring about our destruction by a means so effective and so far surpassing all contrivance that it was henceforth in no wise possible to stave it off. They employed this pause in their incendiarism by shooting at us with stone-throwers and with bows during the rest of the day until darkness succeeded daylight and put an obligatory stop to their exertions.
Arab Warrior
The armies of Greater Syria and Egypt relied
more heavily on infantry.  Often they had
little protection  -  a thick padded cap,
quilted coat.  Some might have mail or a
scale shirt. 

Then, when they had stopped fighting, they went aboard their ships and after a brief spell of inaction, they began to carry out the plan of attack they had cunningly contrived beforehand. The plan involved a peculiar kind of gamble. If, thanks to it, they should be able to sack the city.

Having agreed, therefore, upon this plan, they began early in the night to put into effect their complicated scheme. Lighting lamps everywhere, they coupled the ships together in adjacent pairs and lashed their sides together with stout cables and iron chains so that they would not easily drift apart. Then they hoisted by means of the rigging at the fore the pieces of wood that stand up in the middle, which sailors call masts, and attaching by their handles to these the steering-paddles of each ship, they slung them high up in the air across the ropes leading to the prow so that their blades projected beyond the side of the ship.

The result was a remarkable and novel contraption. For when the steering paddles had been suspended aloft by their handles in the manner described, they placed long strips of wood over them in rows, one next to the other, flooring in by this ingenious method the intervening space. They then fenced in the edges on all sides with boards, and secured the ends of the steering-paddle handles by making them fast to very strong cables at the stern end of the ships.

In this manner they devised towers that were more effective than those surmounting walls on dry land. In them they posted armed barbarians, an elite force mounted aloft on account of their physical strength and natural daring and destined to deal us the coup de grace. They ordered some to shoot arrows, others to fling large stones (big enough to fill a man’s hand) at those manning the inner circuit of the fortification. Others were equipped with fire (it too artificially contrived) which had been prepared in advance in earthenware vessels and which they were instructed to hurl at those advancing to confront them.

Fear in the City

All of us were overcome by fear and consternation, not knowing how to preserve our safety for the future. One could see that the entire population was in a state of utter confusion and helplessness, unable to make up their minds from one moment to the next, and that their very lives were in jeopardy. There was indeed no concern to ward off impending disaster, only a morbid obsession with the question of how soon and how painfully death would occur. Flight was no longer an available or a safe option with the barbarians occupying positions all around the wall and keeping a close watch on the gates.

Abandoning all hope of safety, they walked as though dazed up and down the wall, completely overwhelmed by the magnitude of their misfortune. But some, in whose hearts the flame of courage had not been entirely extinguished, decided while waiting for the enemy to make some preparations to defend the wall and repel their advance. These consisted of pitch, firebrands, quicklime and other flammable substances got ready in earthenware vessels for possible use against ships riding at anchor, the idea being to hurl these objects in their midst and put them out of action.

The Arab dhow were between 150
and 250 tons, 85 feet long and 20
feet wide.

The Final Attack

The ships, distributed at several points according to their equipment, crashed against the wall, presenting to the eyes of all a novel and extraordinary spectacle. Each pair of ships brought along its own ingeniously constructed wooden turret, which hugely overtopped the structure of the fortification and held aloft its freight of barbarians leaping up like frenzied bulls and threatening everybody with destruction.

Whereupon, all that part of the population of the city that had come to think nothing of death, since it was both inevitable and staring them, so to speak, in the face, threw themselves unreservedly into the struggle. Making of the moment of maximum danger an occasion for displaying their courage, they stood their ground and fought like heroes; every man did his utmost. In fact, they did not allow the ships to get anywhere near, but by showering them with missiles and firebrands, they prevented them from approaching the wall and putting their plans into effect.

But those who were smitten with cowardice and in their utter helplessness lacked the strength to even consider the experience of misfortune let themselves down gradually from the wall and fled to the mountainous part of the city, giving further encouragement thereby to the enemy. When, in fact, the latter saw that the structure of the wall was in a more serious state of disrepair in one place than anywhere else (it was the spot where we had earlier erected wooden breastworks), and noticed also that the sea was deeper just at that point, they propelled in that direction one of the pairs of ships that had been lashed together, rowing gently until they got near and had brought the bows of the ships right up to the battlement.

Then, when the men on the wooden fortifications tried to hurl stones at them, the barbarians who were standing on top of the contraptions previously described uttered a loud and raucous cry, let fly with huge stones (which were not just big enough to fill a man’s hand this time but were absolutely enormous) whose impact none could withstand, blew fire by means of air through tubes, hurled other receptacles also filled with fire into the fortifications and struck such terror into the hearts of the defenders that they leaped down swiftly and took to their heels, leaving the entire stretch of wall deserted.

When the enemy saw that they had achieved their end (the defenders had all fallen to earth like leaves in the wind, not alighting by means of ladders but crashing down in terror) they sent against the fortifications a particularly daring barbarian with the complexion of an Ethiopian, who was apparently more frenzied than the others. He had a sword in his hand, which he brandished as he leaped down from the wall. Then he waited for the crowd to surge forward, trying to discover whether they had made off in feigned or in genuine flight. For they suspected that the inhabitants might have laid some hidden ambush for them in the streets, in order to waylay them once they had split up into separate groups.

The sack of Thessaloniki, from the Madrid Skylitzes

Herded Together by Death

Consequently, they were reluctant to enter the city, and set about their task without first taking precautions. But then (it was the third hour of the day) the glint of swords brandished by barbarian hands flashed like lightning through the air and revealed at every point the entry of the enemy. Beholding that disaster had well and truly struck, people all began to mill about in different directions, herded together by death, which loomed over them and left no further loophole for escape.

Then, when the barbarians saw that the entire wall had been cleared and that the mass desertion of its defenders now guaranteed their safety, they sallied forth eagerly from the ships, leaped down on to the battlements and set fire to the gates, thus signaling to the other ships that their mission had been accomplished. These too hove swiftly into sight and dispatched against the city their contingents of barbarians, naked except for a small loincloth, and armed with swords.

Once these barbarians were inside, they slew all those whom they found writhing about on the ground in the vicinity of the wall, regardless of whether they found them prostrated and paralyzed with fear and so unable to move or languishing without any hope of flight owing to the injuries they had sustained during their earlier falls. After that they split up, and moved down the main thoroughfares.

The Byzantine walls of Thessaloniki in 1916.

The Themes of the Eastern Roman Empire about 900 AD to 1000 AD.

Tuesday, October 4, 2011

The Siege of Constantinople

Artist conception of Arab forces that could have faced Roman troops.

The First Arab Siege of Constantinople (674 - 678) 

The first Arab siege of Constantinople is perhaps the single most important military action in the history of Western Civilization.  But it is a battle that little is known about.

The Umayyad Caliphate was fresh with a sting of victories and backed by the fervor of the new religion of Islam.  The "nations" of the West were basically non-existent.  If Constantinople had fallen at this point there would have been nothing to stand in the way of an Arab sweep up through the Balkans into central Europe.


In the 7th Century the Eastern Roman Empire was under enormous military pressure on multiple fronts for decade after decade.  For the Romans, the 7th Century was almost non-stop war, invasions, counter invasions, amphibious operations, battles, sieges and sea battles.

The Empire was attacked by a series of enemies  -  Persians, Slavs and Arabs.  In the last of the Roman-Persian Wars (602 - 629 AD) the Empire had almost ceased to exist.  The great Roman Emperor Heraclius totally crushed the Persians reducing them to a state of internal anarchy and restored the Eastern Empire.

Roman Emperor Constantine IV and his court.  He organized the military and city of Constantinople for a siege of five years while fighting wars on multiple fronts over three continents (Africa, Europe and Asia).

The Arab Invasions 

After the near death war with Persia the Empire badly needed peace, but that was not to be.  Islam now exploded on to the Middle East.  In late 620s Muhammad had already managed to conquer and unify much of Arabia under Muslim rule.

Starting in the 630s Arab armies fought an almost endless series of major engagements with Eastern Roman forces.  The slower moving and traditional Byzantine armies fought a losing battle against light and nimble Arab cavalry forces that out maneuvered them in the open country and deserts.  The results of the battles was the loss long held Roman provinces of Egypt, Cyrenaica, Arabia, Palestine, Mesopotamia, Armenia and Syria.

The pressure facing the Romans was not just military.  With every lost province the Empire was losing its tax base, food supplies, business income and population.  Areas that once supplied the Empire with bureaucrats, educators, soldiers, religious leaders and businessmen were now under the control of the Arab invaders.

VIDEO:  The Byzantine Army

The Late Roman Army

Constans II was the last Emperor to campaign in northern Italy and visit Rome as an Imperial possession.  He was also the last to exert real control over the Popes, arresting Martin I (649-653, d.655) and exiling him to the Crimea.

Under Constans the structure of the Roman Army was fundamentally changed to deal with the new circumstances of the Empire. As the traditional units, largely familiar from the 5th Century, fell back from the collapsing frontiers, they were settled on the land in Anatolia, to be paid directly from local revenues instead of from the Treasury, whose tax base from Syria and Egypt had disappeared.

The areas set aside for particular units became the themes, which remained the military bedrock of Romania until the end of the 11th century and soon replaced the old Roman provinces as the administrative divisions of the Empire.

Byzantine infantry re-enactor.

The Army of the East, driven out of Syria, was settled in the Anatolic Theme, where it would guard the obvious route for invasion or raids from Syria: the Cilician Gates through the Taurus Mountains. Although invasions and raids there would be, the Arabs never did secure any conquests beyond the Gates. Where the Army of the East in the Late Empire numbered about 20,000 men, the forces of the Anatolic Theme varied from about 18,000 in 773 to 15,000 in 899 [Warren Treadgold, Byzantium and Its Army, 284-1081, Stanford, 1995, p.67].

As the remnants of the Late Roman Army were settled on the land, there were also standing forces that accompanied the Emperor. There was already one such unit in the Late Empire, the Scholae. This would grow into a new Standing or Mobile Army, the Tagmata.  The Tagmata together numbered about 28,000 men, while the entire Army, Themes and Tagmata combined, added up to about 128,000 men [Treadgold, op.cit.].

This was less than half of the Augustan Army and not even a quarter of Constantine's; but considering that the Empire is reduced to the lower Balkans and Anatolia, it is proportionally still robust, especially in an Age when a paid military establishment was impossible in most of Europe.

Despite this unprecedented disasters and loss of territories, the internal structures of the army remained much the same, and there is a remarkable continuity in tactics and doctrine between the 6th and 11th centuries.

Roman Empire military districts in 668AD.  The Empire had to defend North Africa, Italy
the Balkans and Asia Minor.
Click graphic to enlarge.

Three of the four sides of the city of Constantinople were the ocean.  Here are the sea walls of the city.
Only a small number of enemy troops could land at one time, and they would be vulnerable to Byzantine
attack with arrows, boiling oil, rocks etc.

Opening Moves

In spring 669, after receiving additional troops, Arab forces entered Asia Minor and advanced as far as Chalcedon, on the Asian shore of the Bosporus across from the Byzantine capital, Constantinople. The Arab attacks on Chalcedon were repelled, and the Arab army was decimated by famine and disease. Mu'awiya dispatched another army, led by his son (and future Caliph) Yazid, to Fadhala's aid. Accounts of what followed differ.

The Byzantine chronicler Theophanes the Confessor reports that the Arabs remained before Chalcedon for a while before returning to Syria, and that on their way they captured and garrisoned Amorium. This was the first time the Arabs tried to hold a captured fortress in the interior of Asia Minor beyond the campaigning season, and probably meant that the Arabs intended to return next year and use the town as their base, but Amorium was retaken by the Byzantines during the subsequent winter.

The campaign of 669 clearly demonstrated to the Arabs the possibility of a direct strike at Constantinople, as well as the necessity of having a supply base in the region. This was found in the peninsula of Cyzicus on the southern shore of the Sea of Marmara, where a raiding fleet under Fadhala ibn 'Ubayd wintered in 670 or 671.

Re-enactor preparing to imitate Roman-Byzantine
infantryman from the age Justinian.  The Roman
infantry at the time of the siege could have looked
much like this soldier.

Mu'awiya now began preparing his final assault on the Byzantine capital. In contrast to Yazid's expedition, Mu'awiya intended to take a coastal route to Constantinople. The undertaking was not haphazard, but followed a careful, phased approach: first the Muslims had to secure strongpoints and bases along the coast, and then, with Cyzicus as a base, Constantinople would be blockaded by land and sea and cut off from its agrarian hinterland, on which it depended for its food supply.

Accordingly, in 672 three great Muslim fleets were dispatched to secure the sea lanes and establish bases between Syria and the Aegean. Muhammad ibn Abdallah's fleet wintered at Smyrna, a fleet under a certain Qays wintered in Lycia and Cilicia, and a third fleet, under Khalid, joined them later. According to the report of Theophanes, the Emperor Constantine IV, upon learning of the Arab fleets' approach, began equipping his own fleet for war.

Constantine's armament included siphon-bearing ships intended for the deployment of a newly developed incendiary substance, Greek fire. In 673, another Arab fleet, under Gunada ibn Abu Umayya, captured Tarsus in Cilicia, as well as Rhodes. The latter, located midway between Syria and Constantinople, was converted into a forward supply base and centre for Muslim naval raids. Its garrison of 12,000 men was regularly rotated back to Syria, a small fleet was attached to it for defence and raiding, and the Arabs even sowed wheat and brought along animals to graze on the island.

The Byzantines attempted to obstruct the Arab plans with a naval attack on Egypt, but it was unsuccessful. Throughout this period, overland raids into Asia Minor continued, and the Arab troops wintered on Byzantine soil

Siege of Constantinople

The five year siege of this great city was the most important battle in the history of the Western world.  If the Arab armies had broken the Romans at Constantinople nothing would have stood in their path to invade Europe.

We know so very, very little about this battle.  But what we can do is use the information we do have to extrapolate what might have happen based on military history in general.

Many historians in the last few centuries have taken their cue from Edward Gibbon in his Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire.  Gibbon would often look down on the Byzantines as pretend Romans.  He would long for the good old days of the Legion.

Gibbon savagely attacked "the courage and vigilance of the reigning emperor, who disgraced the name of Constantine."  Gibbon's insults are not real history.  The Emperor Constantine IV organized the Empire for multiple major military operations at the same time including the great siege of the capital itself.  That implies a major degree of planning, command and control with a large professional military and civil service.

Byzantine Infantry

Multi-Front Warfare:  There was active warfare in North Africa with Arab invasions slowly taking over Roman provinces.  The Slavs were (as usual) yet again invading the Balkan provinces.  Arab armies had just conquered Roman Armenia and threatened the rest of Asia Minor.  More Arab armies were in Syria pinning down Roman units and pushing up the coast of Anatolia.  And now a massive naval invasion force is heading to Constantinople itself.

To say that Constantine IV had his hands full is an understatement.

Troop Deployment:   The Byzantine historian Treadgold says the strength of the Roman Army at this point was 109,000 men under arms.  We cannot be sure how many troops were assigned to Constantinople for the coming siege.  What we can do is to work backwards from the 109,000 number and subtract units that appear to have been assigned to other areas.  (see map graphic above.)

  • 15,000 troops.  Army of Africa, Exarchate of Africa.
  • 20,000 troops.  Army of Italy, Exarchate of Ravenna.
  • 20,000 troops.  Army of the East, Anatolic Theme.
  • 15,000 troops.  Army of Armenia, Aramenic Theme.

These units total 70,000 men more or less, but it is all guess work.  The important point is these units are based far from Constantinople itself and cannot be easily or rapidly re-deployed to other areas.  If troops were taken from the Army of the East then that part of the frontier would be weakened in the face of enemy forces and invite invasion on yet another front.

So it might be safe to say that in the greater Constantinople area the Emperor might have available to him in the range of 39,000 troops.  Perhaps more men might have been available through raising additional civilian militias and volunteer units.  But a certain number of these troops would have to be pealed away from defending Constantinople in order to defend other cities and strategic points in the area.

For example, when the siege of Constantinople was raised Constantine rushed to go to the relief of Thessalonika, which was still under siege from the Slavs.  So some units must have been assigned garrison duty in the Balkans. 

But a Slavic siege going on at the same time as an Arab siege makes you wonder if there was co-ordinated action between Arab and Slav forces.  Maybe the Slavs were just taking advantage of the situation.  Recorded history is silent on a possible alliance.
7th Century Arab Soldier

I can find no real information on the numbers of Arab troops transported to the area for the siege.  If you look at military history in general those conducting a siege usually outnumber those inside the walls to a large degree.  If not then those inside could easily break out or bring in supplies. 

If the Romans had 25,000 plus troops inside the city it is fair to say the Arabs would not have shown up with less.  I would give the Arabs a force of 40,000 or more troops as the minimum needed to maintain a siege.  In the 2nd siege carried out 40 years later the Arabs had 80,000 or more men.  So it is possible that the 40,000 estimate for the 1st siege is too low.

Romans    -    25,000 or more
Arabs       -    40,000 maybe much higher

Naval Forces  -  There are no numbers on the Arabs ships.  The Romans used over 1,100 ships to transport a large invasion force of tens of thousands of troops and their supplies in the attack on Carthage in 468 AD.  It is reasonable to think that the Arabs might use a fleet of about the same size or less.

The Romans had almost their entire fleet crushed in 655 in "The Battle of the Masts."  With so many provinces lost and constant wars, the money available for national defense would have been tight.  What fleet the Romans had available they kept close to the city.

Theodosian Land Walls, Belgrade Gate/Second Military Gate/Xylokerkos Gate.

The Battle Begins

In 674, the Arabs launched the long awaited siege of Constantinople.  The great fleet that had been assembled set sail under the command of Abd ar-Rahman before the end of the year; and during the winter months some of the ships anchored at Smyrna, the rest off the coast of Cilicia.  Additional squadrons reinforced the forces of Abd ar-Rahman before moving on.  The naval forces of the Umayyads passed through the unguarded channel of the Hellespont about April 674.

But the besiegers had formed an insufficient estimate of the strength and resources of Constantinople.  Simply the Arabs had no idea what they were going to face.  The size of Constantinople and its massive defenses had shocked visitors for centuries on end.

Now a perhaps fairly lightly armed Arab army and fleet would have shown up with no idea on how to break into this fortress defended by a system of multiple walls and the ocean itself.

The Arabian fleet cast anchor, and the troops were disembarked near the palace of Hebdomon, seven miles from the city. From the first light of dawn till the evening over a period of many days the Arab infantry attacked the city's land walls from the Golden Gate going far to the east.  The reports say that the warriors in front were pushed forward toward the walls by the weight of the troops piling up behind them.

The solid and lofty walls were guarded by numbers and discipline: the spirit of the Romans was rekindled by the last danger to their religion and empire. The fugitives from the conquered provinces more successfully defended the city than they had at the sieges of Damascus and Alexandria. 

VIDEO:  Greek Fire

Greek Fire:  Just prior to the siege, a Syrian Christian refugee named Kallinikos (Callinicus) of Heliopolis had invented for the Byzantine Empire a devastating new weapon that came to be known as "Greek fire".   Its ingredients are a much debated topic, with proposals including naphtha, quicklime, sulphur, and niter. What set the Byzantine usage of incendiary mixtures apart was their use of pressurized siphons to project the liquid onto the enemy.

The first reports of the use of Greek Fire appears to have been on the Arab infantry trying to break through the land walls.  It is said they "were dismayed by the strange and prodigious effects of artificial fire."

This firm and effectual resistance by the Romans discouraged the Arab forces that were used to quick victories with fast moving cavalry tactics.  Arab soldiers came looking for fast loot and slaves.  The Arab leadership needed to keep the troops happy.  They diverted their arms to the more easy attempt of plundering the European and Asiatic coasts of the Propontis. 

Greek Fire

After controlling the sea from the month of April to that of September, on the approach of winter they retreated eighty miles from Constantinople, to Cyzicus, in which they had established their magazine of spoil and provisions.

For the six following summers the Arabs repeated this same pattern of attack and then retreat for the winter months. 

Then in 677 after three years of siege, the Byzantine navy utilized Greek Fire to decisively defeat the Umayyad navy in the Sea of Marmara.  The naval victory that the Byzantines won ensured that the city could be re-supplied by sea.  Meanwhile, the Arab forces were beset with starvation in winter.

Each year had seen a gradual abatement of Arab hope and vigor.  Finally after years of naval defeats and a fruitless siege the Arab forces broke camp in 678 and returned home.

It was said that 30,000 Arabs had died.  Byzantine casualties were thought to be several thousand.


The victory for the Romans was total.

As the Arabs withdrew from Constantinople they were almost simultaneously defeated by the Romans on land in Lycia in Anatolia.

Byzantine historian J.B. Bury says the Arab fleet was caught in a storm and dashed on the rocks off the southern coast of Turkey near modern day Antalya.  What was left of the Arab fleet was destroyed by a Roman fleet operating from the Byzantine Theme of Cibyraiot off the southern coast of Asia minor.

In addition the Muslims of Syria came under attack by Christian irregular troops or armatoli operating in the Taurus Mountains.  The armatoli attacked and plundered Muslims from Asia Minor all the way south to Mount Lebanon.  Reinforced by Christian Syrians and Slavs they grew in power raiding as far as Jerusalem and helping Christian refugees escape to the north away from Islam.    

These losses at Constantinople, of the fleet and setbacks on land forced the Umayyads to seek a truce with Constantine.  The Roman Ambassador was received in Damascus by a general council of emirs.  A peace of thirty years was signed.   The Arabs evacuated the islands that they had captured in the Aegean.  In addition they paid the Romans an annual tribute consisting of fifty slaves, fifty horses and 3,000 pounds of gold. 

With the siege raised, Constantine could march to the relief of Thessalonika which was under siege from the Slavs.

The Arab invasions has finally been checked by Roman arms.  Europe was saved from an invasion they had no way to counter.

One artist's view of Greek Fire being used by the Byzantines.

The horror of burning to death by Greek Fire would have given the Byzantines a huge edge in battle.

Two maps showing the Eastern Roman Empire.  Top map shows the Empire after the defeat of
the Persian Empire.  The bottom map shows the Arab conquest of Egypt, Syria and Palestine.
Click on map to enlarge.

Constantinople in the Byzantine period.
Click image for full size map.

The Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, Gibbons